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Image source is Freedom Archives: Jewish Alliance Against Zionism. I do not find an item page for the specific document. higher quality PDF

text/description of flierCommemorate the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 1943 & the Resistance at Tal al Zaatar 1976

Songs of Jewish and Palestinian resistance, poems, slides, and more

Wednesday, May 2, 8PM

La Pena Cultural Center 105 Shattuck, Berkeley

$2 donation

text is superimposed over a photo of a woman wearing a keffiya, I believe it is Leila Khaled (ليلى خالد)

Summer, 1976 Tal al Zaatar Refugee Camp, Beirut, Lebanon: Courageously, the Palestinian and Lebanese people of Tal al Zaatar defended themselves against a brutal attack by the Lebanese fascist forces.

text is superimposed over a photo of Rachela Wyszogrodzka, a captured militant in the Warsaw Uprising source

April-May 1943 Warsaw Ghetto; Poland: Against overwhelming odds, Jewish resistance fighters held off Nazi stormtroopers.

Throughout the world people remember and are inspired by these acts of heroic resistance.


script for the event

According to 2024 essay by Hilton Obenzinger (who was one of the organizers), “To Fight Against Injustice is to be A Jew”: Jewish Alliance Against Zionism 1978-1982, linked from the source page, this flier was printed in 1976.

portion of the essay which describes this event

The parallels of what Jews suffered and what Palestinians were then enduring led us to create a dramatic program to “Commemorate the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 1943 & the Resistance at Tal al Zaatar 1976.” We dramatized the 1976 Palestinian resistance to the siege by Lebanese fascists (supported by Israel) of Tal al-Zaatar refugee camp on the outskirts of Beirut and the 1943 uprising of the Warsaw Ghetto against the Nazi extermination of the last Jews in the ghetto: “The dramatic presentation you are about to hear is a collective effort to try to convey more what it was like at the Warsaw Ghetto, at Tal al Zaatar.” Lincoln Bergman, drawing from his long experience doing radio productions, pulled together first-hand accounts, radio broadcasts, and other material in a narrative/testimony of both historic last stands, woven together with others in the group, and members of JAAZ took the stage to read the dramatic accounts alongside each other. Here are some excerpts:

Warsaw: “The young men and women of my group had been waiting for this moment for months, the moment when we would shoot back at the Germans. Suddenly, they entered near our post, thousands, armed, and we, some twenty young men and women, had a revolver, a grenade, some bombs, home-made ones that had to be lit by matches. It must have been strange to see us happily standing up against them; happy because we knew their end would come. We knew that ultimately they would conquer us, but we also knew that they would pay heavily for our lives. It was a joy for the fighters to see the Germans retreat. On the first day, we with our poor arms drove the Germans from the ghetto.”

“It is difficult to describe life in the Ghetto during that time. People were embracing and kissing each other during the first days. And although it was clear to each of us that we would be killed, we were satisfied to know that we had avenged the murders of our people. Fighting back made our lot easier.”

Tal al Zaatar: “We speak to you from our besieged camp of Tal al Zaatar, not to obtain sympathy, but from a position of heroic steadfastness which this camp has obtained for every moment of this long siege. The fascists have shelled our homes with unprecedented savagery. Thousands of shells and rockets have fallen on them, while 73 major attacks have been launched against us, all of which we have confronted and repelled.

“There are things we shall never talk about, because the inhuman horror of Nazism has found a place in this tragedy. The sadism was incredible. We had read about the Nazis but were unprepared for anything like this. We saw cars dragging bodies of Palestinians . . . A fascist militiaman killed a few-months old baby in his father’s arms, saying, ‘I want to taste this famous Palestinian blood.’”

And alongside this account, the diary of young girl in Warsaw: “The Germans march with this song on their lips: ‘When Jewish Blood Spurts from the Knife.’”

Tal al Zaatar: “I was there at Tal al Zaatar and I can say that not once did we contemplate the notion of surrendering. At the end 600 fighters were able to sneak out of the camp for the mountains, even though many were badly injured. Despite the hunger and thirst, despite the fact that we were dying of hunger, the reason we did not surrender was that the people themselves would not surrender . . . “

The role of women was dramatic in both battles. In Tal al Zaatar, “Many of the sisters were fighters themselves. Another major task was the transporting of arms, and some of those sisters stayed to help save other fighters.”

Warsaw: “The youngest member of our combat group in the Ghetto was a young woman, the only daughter of a wealthy family, but she had grown up in revolutionary student circles. Her firmness of character was revealed just before the uprising when her father obtained ‘good papers’ and a place for the family in the non-Jewish section. She refused to go, saying ‘I no longer belong to myself, my place is in the Ghetto with my comrades.’ In the fighting she was assigned to a group led by one of our most prominent warriors. Suddenly she saw an enemy gun pointing at her commander. She shielded her commander with her own body and was killed. ‘My life is less important,’ she said, dying. ‘She’s the commander, we need her more.’”

The parallels were eerie and tragic: “For us at Tal al Zaatar, we feel a strong bond with the Warsaw Ghetto. We have been reading books about the Warsaw Ghetto uprising, and the radio broadcasts coming from the besieged Jews there in the last days are the only things we have encountered which are like what we went through at Tal al Zaatar.”

Both the Ghetto and the refugee camp were defeated in the military sense, but they held obvious, enduring messages. The dramatization draws to a close with a passage by Martin Buber:

“The true history of humanity is not composed of sterile victories but of fruitful defeats. A hopeless minority fighting an anti-human oppressor does not experience what we are used to calling success. It ‘fails,’ but succumbing it may announce and prepare a great turn. Out of the seed decomposing in the soil the new stem invisibly sprouts.”

And the performance ends with a basic lesson: “We must fight against fascism. The only way to exist is to resist.”

We felt that we too were under siege, and we too would battle to the end. No doubt a romantic illusion, our heroic image of ourselves, but we knew our own resistance to Zionism was also going to be a failure, at least at first. How could we stop the machine that was the State of Israel backed to the hilt by the US? But it would be a good failure, one that planted those seeds, a failure to reclaim Jewish culture. To be sure, though, while we wanted to salvage or redeem Jewish culture, the struggle above all was for the liberation of the Palestinians and only secondarily of ourselves.

On May 2, 1979 (close to the anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto revolt), we performed the Warsaw Ghetto/Tal al-Zaatar dramatic reading at La Pena, the cultural center in Berkeley founded by Chilean exiles from the Pinochet dictatorship soon after the coup in the early 70s. But the program did not go unnoticed by the Zionists. Outside there were leaflets accusing us of the usual things, that we were self-hating Jews and anti-Semites. Appealing more to the left, one flyer also claimed that Zionism was not a settler, apartheid ideology but the national liberation movement of the Jews, and Israel was an anti-colonial state.

La Pena also received a bomb threat, the first ever for any of their programs. Lincoln went to meet with people from La Pena a week or so before the event. “They had received a call from the Jewish Federation of the East Bay who told them—look, it’s not us, but we’ve heard some things stemming from some more threatening elements of the Jewish community. We’ve heard rumors that they plan to bomb La Peña if you go ahead with this program by this group JAAZ. We just wanted to warn you, to caution you that if you go ahead with the program, these elements have made these threats.” So the Jewish Federation was doing a service by warning La Pena (actually conveying the threat). “But both JAAZ and La Peña wanted to go ahead,” Lincoln explains. “So in order to be as safe as possible, we had careful security and we searched the place and the people at the door. As it turned out, it was very well attended and the security only added to the general atmosphere and heightened the drama. The reading was successful and extremely powerful, and was not interrupted. It was professionally recorded and was later played on KPFA a number of times, not only that year but in later years, and is part of the collection at the Freedom Archives.”

Leslie Simon remembers the bomb threat, which she believes came from the JDL. “I brought my Palestinian boss to the program (I was working at the restaurant he owned called Cafe Strand at Noe and Market). He remarked on how all the Jews looked like Palestinians. I reminded him we were cousins.” Cindy Shamban felt that the play “was so clear about the connections between the Warsaw Ghetto and the struggle of the Palestinians,” she couldn’t understand why everyone didn’t understand that. The program was performed again in July 1982 with an addition of a new ending that incorporated the eyewitness accounts of the latest horror, Israel’s invasion of Lebanon – and this was even months before the Sabra and Shatila massacre shocked the world.

Full text: “To Fight Against Injustice is to be A Jew”: Jewish Alliance Against Zionism 1978-1982


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[–] FunkyStuff@hexbear.net 7 points 1 day ago (2 children)

In the interest of keeping the memory of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising alive through our agitprop, I wanna raise a question that maybe some here might be qualified to answer:

When drawing the parallels between Al-Aqsa Flood and the Warsaw Guetto Uprising, there's a common Zionist retort that I've struggled to really give a strong response to. It goes, "You can't compare the October 7th attacks to the Warsaw Ghetto revolt because in the case of the Warsaw Guetto, the Jewish resistance only struck back against Nazis, not German civilians, while Hamas killed hundreds of civilians in October 7th"

Now, my kneejerk reaction is some combination of the following:

  • Hamas planned the Al-Aqsa flood for at least several months, by themselves, and could not have known that they were going to come into contact with the Nova festival in their operation; more likely, they were just targeting the occupation base nearby.
  • Settlers aren't non-combatants
  • To this day we still don't know of the claimed 1200 dead in the Al-Aqsa Flood operation how many were killed by Hamas and how many were killed by Israel, how many were active IOF or civilians (keep in mind, Hamas successfully destroyed several military checkpoints on Oct 7th, and obviously had to break through the wall around Gaza to facilitate the operation, so it's certain that Israel took many military casualties).

But I feel like all these arguments a bit weak and lacking. Particularly, I don't recall ever seeing Palestinian intellectuals ever arguing these points in response to that kind of argument, and I generally like to follow in their leads. Does anyone have any thoughts?

[–] hellinkilla@hexbear.net 5 points 1 day ago

Good question and I look forward to other answers. Here is what I think, based on my limited knowledge and theory. If I make any error hopefully someone will point it out.

I think comparison to of oct 7 to Warsaw uprising is not intended to be a 100% match. The 2 situations were far from identical to start out with and therefor the strategy taken by the combatants were different. The point of making it is to attempt to evoke some empathy from the Zionist. We use a common point of historical reference, one of the few stories of organized rebellion which are commonly known about, to hold their hand and try to help them to see other people as humans, like they are.

Of course, if someone is determined to maintain a convenient, self-serving attitude of dehumanization towards Palestinians, this analogy won't do much for them. OK. I don't think anything rests upon this specific comparison. Even of oct 7 was the first time in all history anyone had ever had an impulse at liberation, and it was the first time anyone had planned and executed a military action towards that goal, it would still be justified. The righteousness of the Palestinian struggle is inherent to the collective and individual rights of the people, not on how closely the details of its execution track to the history of any other group.


But for the sake of understanding our own arguments and making sure we are not falling into any trap here is what I'd say.

Even though it's not a perfect comparison, I don't think it's wrong to point out the similarities. Which are more emotional than militaristic. In both stories, the protagonists are a diverse group of people who have found themselves more and more repressed by an overwhelmingly powerful military force. Having tried more or less subtle methods of resistance and failing, they find themselves increasingly immiserated. So they decide to secretly coordinate a big attack on their adversaries in an attempt at liberation.

As I understand it, Warsaw was specifically under military occupation. As in soldiers with a rank and a commander. The lack of Nazi civilian fatalities is down to the fact that there were not many Nazi civilians around. The Nazis elected not to bring civilians in high numbers to an active war zone. I don't really think the subjugated people can take credit for the enemy's strategic decision.

The argument seems to suppose that had the Axis powers quickly moved civilians into Poland en-masse, no resistance would have been ethically plausible. If there was a woman + baby on every floor of every building, would the cause be lost?

Israel is a more advanced fascist occupation which has been able to establish itself with families. They have a more sophisticated method of integrating military into daily "civilian" life. Boundaries between soldier and civilian are extremely porous.

This whole "human shield" concept is one of the most sick and depraved things about zionist ideology. It gets deployed and twisted into every direction no matter how conflicting. The whole premise of this comment is ridiculous when held up against the Israeli retaliation. For 1200 claimed casualties, 186,000 were estimated to have been murdered by Israel as of a year ago. What is even the point of this argument? It proves nothing because the subsequent crimes are of such a more immense scale. To say nothing of prior decades' of crimes. Posing this quibble just demonstrates that whoever is making it absolutely does not want to look at the whole situation. They prefer to focus on some small detail, for fear of falling into a puddle of troublesome empathy. But anyways.

One important piece of context is that the Warsaw uprising was only one small component of a massive coordinated military plan. Millions of people were killed as a consequence of that plan. However, the overall military actions did eventually stop the iteration of fascism which was causing so much misery. Even with allied support (which Palestinians get nothing comparable in the current day) the Warsaw uprising itself was something of a failure in the immediate term. And prompted in 200,000+ retaliatory civilian deaths at the hands of the nazis and then all the rebels surrendering anyway. If Palestinian militants are responsible for the deaths of all "human shields" in Gaza, then the Warsaw insurgents are certainly responsible for all those deaths.

I have brought myself to a new idea: The reaction of the occupiers might be a stronger point of analogy in fact than the initial rebellion. Because in both cases the occupation enacted campaigns of mass slaughter.

  • Re Hannibal Directive: I don't think it is relevant. It is good to know about more broadly, but if 1200 people were killed than I think we can agree the vast majority of them were felled by the enemy. The Israeli military was too disorganized to have made a huge impact on the final figure.

  • Re Nova Festival being a surprise: not terribly compelling. I think if you plan something like this, your job is to know about the environment. It's not as though music festivals pop up out of nowhere. So for that, the responsibility is with the military leaders.

[–] MLRL_Commie@hexbear.net 5 points 1 day ago* (last edited 1 day ago)

I just say "Assuming that's true, which I do not believe is a correct analysis or framing, would it have been wrong for the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising to have been planned to attack any German in the vicinity? I'd still support it, especially considering how little resistance the populace was willing to give to the Nazi's and therefore tacitly allowed it"

Of course, a hypocrisy claim doesn't help you argue against that person alone, but others listening will be more convinced. Then you can hit your points for why it probably isn't true anyways, but even if it is you'd still support it

"The Kataeb party was established on November 5, 1936[11] as a Maronite paramilitary youth organization by Pierre Gemayel who modeled the party after the Nazi Party, the Spanish Falange, and Italian Fascist parties,[12][13][14] all of which he had encountered as an Olympic athlete during the 1936 Summer Olympics held in Berlin, then Nazi Germany.[15][16] The movement's uniforms originally included brown shirts, and its members used the Fascist salute.[14][17]

In an interview by Robert Fisk, Gemayel stated about Nazism and the Berlin Olympics:

I was the captain of the Lebanese football team and the president of the Lebanese Football Federation. We went to the Olympic Games of 1936 in Berlin. And I saw then this discipline and order. And I said to myself: "Why can't we do the same thing in Lebanon?" So when we came back to Lebanon, we created this youth movement. When I was in Berlin then, Nazism did not have the reputation that it has now. Nazism? In every system in the world, you can find something good. But Nazism was not Nazism at all. The word came afterwards. In their system, I saw discipline. And we in the Middle East, we need discipline more than anything else.[18]"

From Wikipedia