Yes there was more info in yesterday's thread, but I can't remember what to search for to pull it up and drop a link
Sounds mostly like PRC is doing some socially conservative cringe atm
Yes there was more info in yesterday's thread, but I can't remember what to search for to pull it up and drop a link
Sounds mostly like PRC is doing some socially conservative cringe atm
Subscribe! It's nice to get a hard copy of theory every month!
(Or don't idc, but I make a post encouraging people once a year or so)
If you're a fan of Red Sails I think MR is a nice complement (maybe you're already familiar)
Maybe from the excerpt I posted you can tell why I'm surprised comrade xhs isn't familiar with Wang's work! Hope we get to hear from them at some point
The books I've read (some of, hurts my brain after a couple chapters) are "China: From Empire to Nation State" and "The End of the Revolution" which I believe is a collection of articles.
Here is the link to the MR edition I mentioned, with the articles available to read online.
An excerpt from the "Notes from the editors" article:
Recognition of the full scope of Wang Hui’s remarkable contributions to socialist thought is a concrete way in which to gain a sense of the startling development of critical Marxism in China since the 1990s. Wang received his PhD in 1988 and was present in Tiananmen Square in 1989—after which he was sent to Shanglou, Shaanxi, for reeducation (not reeducation through labor) for one year, during which he became more acutely aware of the conditions of the peasantry (Wang Hui, “After the Party: An Interview,” Open Democracy, January 13, 2014). He focused much of his original literary research on the Chinese revolutionary writer and poet Lu Xun (1881–1936) and the 1919 May Fourth Movement. During the 1990s, at a time when questions of class and capitalism were effectively excluded from intellectual discussion, along with social history, Wang focused on intellectual history, examining the role of modernity in Chinese history and its encounter with the West, eventually exploring intellectual development during the entire Qing Dynasty. His many works include his four-volume The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought (not yet translated into English). The range of analysis in his works is enormous, encompassing literature, philosophy, politics, history, and economics. Central to Wang’s analysis has been a conception of the revolutionary party in the Chinese context, in which he has drawn on Antonio Gramsci’s The Modern Prince and the analysis of people’s war as a political phenomenon. From 1995 to 2007, he was coeditor of Dushu, a prominent Chinese intellectual journal.
In the late 1990s, Wang Hui emerged as a strong critic of liberals (and neoliberals) and of the ideological role of neoclassical economics, which was establishing itself as the dominant intellectual tradition in China at the time. In 1995, in response to one of the first articles on globalization in China, which had viewed it favorably, Wang wrote a short critical response in Dushu, relying on the ideas of Samir Amin, whom he had heard speak in Denmark the year before. At around the same time, the journal Strategy and Management brought out a critical article on globalization. These interventions set off the debate on globalization in China, with the critical Marxist view attaining greater prominence after the Great Financial Crisis emerging in the United States in 2007–09, which quickly expanded to the entire globe (Wang Hui, “Fire at the Castle Gate,” New Left Review 6 [November–December 2000]: 86, 95). Wang was to become close friends with Amin, introducing his talk at Tsinghua University in Beijing on May 7, 2018 (Samir Amin, “Marx and Living Marxism Are More Relevant Than Ever Today,” Tsinghua University, Beijing, May 7, 2018).
Much of Wang Hui’s work in the last decade has been directed at a critique of neoclassical/neoliberal economic ideology, accompanied by an exploration of China’s revolutionary history and its implications for the present. He has written extensively on V. I. Lenin and Mao Zedong and the Russian and Chinese revolutions. A central concern is to ascertain the “weak links” in the present world order that point to the possibility of new revolutionary breakthroughs. His work has also focused on issues of substantive equality, democracy in social organization (as opposed to formal politics), and ecological sustainability. Many of the younger Chinese scholars appearing in this and other issues of Monthly Review have been deeply influenced by his ideas, which are emblematic of critical Marxism today. (See Wang Hui, China’s Twentieth Century [London: Verso, 2016], 37, 136–40, 227–61, 286–95; Wang Hui, “The Economy of Rising China,” Reading the China Dream [blog] [written in 2010]; Wang Hui, “Revolutionary Personality,” Reading the China Dream [blog] [originally published in Chinese on April 21, 2020].)
Probably in November when they determine there are "inconsistencies" with the vote count
Call me old fashioned but it’s probably deteriorating material conditions that are going to radicalise more people in the long run.
Definitely true, however you're going to want a portion of the population "pre-heated" by these electoral defeats so they can do some vanguardism when the time is right. This is true even if it is stagnant and cyclical, like you propose. I don't think I fully agree myself, but I could see it.
The true revolutionary action will happen at the periphery of the empire. If some Demsocs create internal strife and discontentment in the core, it allows for more opportunities for our comrades on the ground in the more materially impoverished areas to make some moves.
There isn't, as far as our community is concerned, it's a win-win situation even if one is more likely then the other. I am confident that people on Hexbear did not decide to forget about the weaknesses of electoralism last week. Maybe in other "leftist" communities or something that's a problem, but I have faith in our comrades to have a balanced perspective, even if there's a lot of excitement built in to what's happening in the immediate term.
Also important is that even though he is not the most anti-zionist perspective out there, his victory represents an electoral rejection of Zionism by the NYC electorate, which bodes positively for the continued decline of popular support for Israel in general. Anti-zionism is only going to continue to gain momentum as they use it as a cudgel to attack a candidate that has a lot of popular policies.
We know the US has and will support Israel in the face of its unpopularity among its population, but the process is in motion already. Force the state to respond and shut it down! Or, once again, if they fail to shut it down, maybe LA or someplace shits out an even more outspoken local/state level candidate.
No question that the propaganda machine is incredibly effective, but it can't stand up to "you want a candidate who runs on/lies about materially beneficial policies and wants to actively resist trump? Well you're a bunch of communist antisemites" from the establishment. Once again, the higher Zohran rises (and Zohran 2.0 wherever that person comes from), the harder he's going to fall with a ton of liberals looking on (60% of whom favor an overhaul of Democratic Party leadership).
It's an effective propaganda opportunity to gas him up to liberals and get it he attention on him. It's a fantastic learning experience!
Some of us are hopeful to watch the dreams of those who are more liberal than us get crushed. Obviously the situation with AOC and Bernie was radicalization fuel for many of us. The higher Zohran rises, the harder he falls (or succeeds somehow). This is exciting to see!
That's surprising to me. He is a scholar of Chinese political philosophy at Tsinghua who has been critical of the turn toward neoliberal tendencies. I've read some of his translated works but they are incredibly dense (but fascinating!). In 2020 the Monthly Review did an entire issue about China, and most of the articles were written by "Wang Hui-ites".
I think you would find some value in his work. If you look into it (even at a surface/wikipedia/LLM level), I'd be curious to know your thoughts.
Xiao, is your line of thinking right in line with Wang Hui or are there differences between the two of you as it stands in 2025?
Gotcha thats what I thought, but without an external reference it was hard to be sure lol. I wonder how replacing the white with purple (lavender?) would look
Not to say that it would be to your taste or anything,, is it trying too hard to be cute at that point? Cause I think I'd actually like it
Ty comrade